National Security Strategy
of the United States of America
美利坚合众国国家安全战略
My fellow Americans:
我的美国同胞们：
Over the past nine months, we have brought our nation—and the world—back from the brink of catastrophe and disaster. After four years of weakness, extremism, and deadly failures, my administration has moved with urgency and historic speed to restore American strength at home and abroad, and bring peace and stability to our world.
在过去的九个月里，我们将我们的国家——以及世界——从灾难的边缘拉了回来。经过四年的软弱、极端主义和致命的失败，我的政府以紧迫感和历史性的速度行动起来，恢复美国在国内外的实力，并为我们的世界带来和平与稳定。
No administration in history has achieved so dramatical turnaround in so short a time.
历史上没有任何一届政府在如此短的时间内实现如此巨大的转变。
Starting on my first day in office, we restored the sovereign borders of the United States and deployed the U.S. military to stop the invasion of our country. We got radical gender ideology and woke lunacy out of our Armed Forces, and began strengthening our military with $1 trillion of investment. We rebuilt our alliances and got our allies to contribute more to our common defense—including a historic commitment from NATO countries to raise defense spending from 2 percent to 5 percent of GDP. We unleashed American energy production to reclaim our independence, and imposed historic tariffs to bring critical industries back home.
从我上任第一天起，我们就恢复了美国的主权边界，并部署美国军队以阻止对我们国家的入侵。我们将激进的性别意识形态和觉醒的疯狂思想从我们的武装部队中清除，并开始通过1万亿美元的投资来加强我们的军队。我们重建了我们的联盟，并使我们的盟友为我们的共同防御做出更多贡献——包括北约国家做出历史性承诺，将国防开支从GDP的2%提高到5%。我们释放了美国的能源生产以重获我们的独立，并实施了历史性的关税，将关键产业带回国内。
In Operation Midnight Hammer, we obliterated Iran’s nuclear enrichment capacity. I declared the drug cartels and savage foreign gangs operating in our region as Foreign Terrorist Organizations. And over the course of just eight months, we settled eight raging conflicts—including between Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the DRC and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Israel and Iran, Egypt and Ethiopia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and ending the war in Gaza with all living hostages returned to their families.
在“午夜铁锤”行动中，我们摧毁了伊朗的核浓缩能力。我宣布在我们地区活动的毒品卡特尔和野蛮的外国帮派为外国恐怖组织。在短短八个月内，我们解决了八场激烈的冲突——包括柬埔寨和泰国、科索沃和塞尔维亚、刚果（金）和卢旺达、巴基斯坦和印度、以色列和伊朗、埃及和埃塞俄比亚、亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆之间的冲突，并结束了加沙战争，所有在世人质都已返回家庭。
America is strong and respected again—and because of that, we are making peace all over the world.
美国再次变得强大并受到尊重——正因为如此，我们正在世界各地缔造和平。
In everything we do, we are putting America First.
在我们所做的每一件事中，我们都把美国放在第一位。
What follows is a National Security Strategy to describe and build upon the extraordinary strides we have made. This document is a roadmap to ensure that America remains the greatest and most successful nation in human history, and the home of freedom on earth. In the years ahead, we will continue to develop every dimension of our national strength—and we will make America safer, richer, freer, greater, and more powerful than ever before.
下文是一份国家安全战略，旨在描述并基于我们所取得的非凡进展。这份文件是一份路线图，旨在确保美国继续保持人类历史上最伟大、最成功的国家的地位，并成为地球上的自由家园。在未来几年，我们将继续发展国家实力的各个方面——我们将使美国比以往任何时候都更安全、更富裕、更自由、更伟大、更强大。
President Donald J. Trump
The White House
November 2025
The White House
November 2025
唐纳德·J·特朗普总统
白宫
2025年11月
白宫
2025年11月
TABLE OF CONTENTS
目录
I. Introduction – What Is American Strategy?......1
I. How American "Strategy" Went Astray......1
II. President Trump's Necessary, Welcome Correction......2
II. What *Should* the United States Want?......3
I. What Do We Want Overall?......3
II. What Do We Want *In* and *From* the World?......5
III. What Are America's Available Means to Get What We Want?......6
IV. The Strategy......8
I. Principles......8
II. Priorities......11
III. The Regions......15
A. The Western Hemisphere......15
B. Asia......19
C. Europe......25
D. The Middle East......27
E. Africa......29
I. How American "Strategy" Went Astray......1
II. President Trump's Necessary, Welcome Correction......2
II. What *Should* the United States Want?......3
I. What Do We Want Overall?......3
II. What Do We Want *In* and *From* the World?......5
III. What Are America's Available Means to Get What We Want?......6
IV. The Strategy......8
I. Principles......8
II. Priorities......11
III. The Regions......15
A. The Western Hemisphere......15
B. Asia......19
C. Europe......25
D. The Middle East......27
E. Africa......29
I. 引言——什么是美国战略？......1
I. 美国"战略"如何误入歧途......1
II. 特朗普总统必要且受欢迎的纠正......2
II. 美国*应该*想要什么？......3
I. 我们的总体目标是什么？......3
II. 我们在世界上想要什么？以及想从世界得到什么？......5
III. 美国有哪些可用的手段来实现目标？......6
IV. 战略......8
I. 原则......8
II. 优先事项......11
III. 各地区......15
A. 西半球......15
B. 亚洲......19
C. 欧洲......25
D. 中东......27
E. 非洲......29
I. 美国"战略"如何误入歧途......1
II. 特朗普总统必要且受欢迎的纠正......2
II. 美国*应该*想要什么？......3
I. 我们的总体目标是什么？......3
II. 我们在世界上想要什么？以及想从世界得到什么？......5
III. 美国有哪些可用的手段来实现目标？......6
IV. 战略......8
I. 原则......8
II. 优先事项......11
III. 各地区......15
A. 西半球......15
B. 亚洲......19
C. 欧洲......25
D. 中东......27
E. 非洲......29
I. Introduction – What Is American Strategy?
一、引言——什么是美国战略？
1. How American "Strategy" Went Astray
1. 美国"战略"如何误入歧途
To ensure that America remains the world's strongest, richest, most powerful, and most successful country for decades to come, our country needs a coherent, focused strategy for how we interact with the world.And to get that right, all Americans need to know what, exactly, it is we are trying to do and why.
为确保美国在未来几十年内保持世界上最强大、最富有、最有力和最成功的国家地位，我国需要一个连贯、聚焦的战略来指导我们如何与世界互动。为了做到正确，所有美国人都需要知道我们究竟在做什么以及为什么这样做。
A "strategy" is a concrete, realistic plan that explains the *essential connection between ends and means*: it begins from an accurate assessment of what is desired *and* what tools are available, or can realistically be created, to achieve the desired outcomes.
"战略"是一个具体的、现实的计划，解释了*目的与手段之间的本质联系*：它始于对期望什么*以及*可用何种工具或可以实际创造何种工具来实现期望结果的准确评估。
A strategy must evaluate, sort, and prioritize.Not every country, region, issue, or cause—however worthy—can be the focus of American strategy.The purpose of foreign policy is the protection of core national interests; that is the sole focus of this strategy.
战略必须评估、排序并确定优先次序。并非每个国家、地区、问题或事业——无论多么有价值——都能成为美国战略的重点。外交政策的目的是保护核心国家利益；这正是本战略的唯一重点。
American strategies since the end of the Cold War have fallen short—they have been laundry lists of wishes or desired end states; have not *clearly defined what we want* but instead stated vague platitudes; and have often misjudged what we *should* want.
冷战结束以来的美国战略一直存在不足——它们成了愿望或期望最终状态的清单；没有*清楚定义我们想要什么*，而是陈述了模糊的陈词滥调；并且经常误判我们*应该*想要什么。
After the end of the Cold War, American foreign policy elites convinced themselves that permanent American domination of the entire world was in the best interests of our country.Yet the affairs of other countries are our concern only if their activities directly threaten our interests.
冷战结束后，美国外交政策精英们说服自己，美国永久主导整个世界最符合我们国家的利益。然而，只有当其他国家的活动直接威胁到我们的利益时，这些国家的事务才与我们有关。
Our elites badly miscalculated America's willingness to shoulder forever global burdens to which the American people saw no connection to the national interest.They overestimated America's ability to fund, simultaneously, a massive welfare-regulatory-administrative state alongside a massive military, diplomatic, intelligence, and foreign aid complex.They placed hugely misguided and destructive bets on globalism and so-called "free trade" that hollowed out the very middle class and industrial base on which American economic and military preeminence depend.They allowed allies and partners to offload the cost of their defense onto the American people, and sometimes to suck us into conflicts and controversies central to their interests but peripheral or irrelevant to our own.And they lashed American policy to a network of international institutions, some of which are driven by outright anti-Americanism and many by a transnationalism that explicitly seeks to dissolve individual state sovereignty.In sum, not only did our elites pursue a fundamentally undesirable and impossible goal, in doing so they undermined the very means necessary to achieve that goal: the character of our nation upon which its power, wealth, and decency were built.
我们的精英严重误判了美国人民愿意永远承担那些他们认为与国家利益无关的全球负担的意愿。他们高估了美国同时为一个庞大的福利-监管-行政国家以及一个庞大的军事、外交、情报和对外援助复合体提供资金的能力。他们在全球主义和所谓的"自由贸易"上押下了巨大误导性和破坏性的赌注，这些掏空了美国经济和军事优势所依赖的中产阶级和工业基础。他们允许盟友和伙伴将其国防成本转嫁给美国人民，有时还将我们拖入冲突和对其利益至关重要但对我们自身利益而言是边缘或无关的争议中。他们还将美国政策绑在一个国际机构网络上，其中一些机构由彻头彻尾的反美主义驱动，许多则由明确寻求消解个别国家主权的跨国主义驱动。总而言之，我们的精英不仅追求一个根本上不可取且不可能实现的目标，而且在此过程中破坏了实现该目标所必需的手段：我们国家的品格，而国家的力量、财富和体面正是建立在此基础之上。
2. President Trump's Necessary, Welcome Correction
2. 特朗普总统必要且受欢迎的纠正
None of this was inevitable.President Trump's first administration proved that with the right leadership making the right choices, all of the above could—and should—have been avoided, and much else achieved.He and his team successfully marshaled America's great strengths to correct course and begin ushering in a new golden age for our country.To continue the United States on that path is the overarching purpose of President Trump's second administration, and of this document.
这一切并非不可避免。特朗普总统的第一届政府证明，只要有正确的领导做出正确的选择，上述所有问题都可以——而且应该——避免，并且还能取得许多其他成就。他和他的团队成功集结了美国的巨大力量来纠正路线，并开始引领我们的国家进入一个新的黄金时代。让美国继续沿着这条道路前进，是特朗普总统第二届政府和本文件的总体目标。
The questions before us now are: 1) What should the United States want? 2) What are our available means to get it? and 3) How can we connect ends and means into a viable National Security Strategy?
摆在我们面前的问题是：1) 美国应该想要什么？2) 我们有哪些可用的手段来实现它？以及 3) 我们如何将目的与手段连接成一个可行的国家安全战略？
II. What Should the United States Want?
二、美国应该想要什么？
1. What Do We Want Overall?
1. 我们的总体目标是什么？
First and foremost, we want the continued survival and safety of the United States as an independent, sovereign republic whose government secures the God-given natural rights of its citizens and prioritizes their well-being and interests.
首先，我们希望美利坚合众国作为一个独立、主权的共和国继续生存和安全，其政府保障其公民与生俱来的自然权利，并将他们的福祉和利益置于优先地位。
We want to protect this country, its people, its territory, its economy, and its way of life from military attack and hostile foreign influence, whether espionage, predatory trade practices, drug and human trafficking, destructive propaganda and influence operations, cultural subversion, or any other threat to our nation.
我们希望保护这个国家及其人民、领土、经济、生活方式免受军事攻击和敌对的外国影响，无论是间谍活动、掠夺性贸易行为、毒品和人口贩运、破坏性宣传和影响行动、文化颠覆，还是任何其他对我们国家的威胁。
We want full control over our borders, over our immigration system, and over transportation networks through which people come into our country—legally and illegally.We want a world in which migration is not merely "orderly" but one in which sovereign countries work together to stop rather than facilitate destabilizing population flows, and have full control over whom they do and do not admit.
我们希望完全控制我们的边境、我们的移民系统，以及人们进入我们国家的交通网络——无论是合法还是非法地。我们希望一个移民不仅仅是"有序"的世界，而是一个主权国家共同努力阻止而不是促进破坏稳定的人口流动，并完全控制他们接纳谁、不接纳谁的世界。
We want a resilient national infrastructure that can withstand natural disasters, resist and thwart foreign threats, and prevent or mitigate any events that might harm the American people or disrupt the American economy.No adversary or danger should be able to hold America at risk.
我们希望拥有一个有韧性的国家基础设施，能够抵御自然灾害，抵抗和挫败外国威胁，并预防或减轻任何可能伤害美国人民或扰乱美国经济的事件。任何对手或危险都不应能使美国处于风险之中。
We want to recruit, train, equip, and field the world's most powerful, lethal, and technologically advanced military to protect our interests, deter wars, and—if necessary—win them quickly and decisively, with the lowest possible casualties to our forces.And we want a military in which every single servicemember is proud of their country and confident in their mission.
我们希望招募、训练、装备和部署世界上最强大、最致命、技术最先进的军队，以保护我们的利益，威慑战争，并在必要时迅速果断地赢得战争，同时使我方部队伤亡降至最低。我们还希望拥有一支军队，其中每一位军人都为自己的国家感到自豪，并对自己的使命充满信心。
We want the world's most robust, credible, and modern nuclear deterrent, plus next-generation missile defenses—including a Golden Dome for the American homeland—to protect the American people, American assets overseas, and American allies.
我们希望拥有世界上最强大、最可靠、最现代化的核威慑力量，加上下一代导弹防御系统——包括为美国本土打造的"金色穹顶"——以保护美国人民、美国海外资产和美国盟友。
We want the world's strongest, most dynamic, most innovative, and most advanced economy.The U.S. economy is the bedrock of the American way of life, which promises and delivers widespread and broad-based prosperity, creates upward mobility, and rewards hard work.Our economy is also the bedrock of our global position and the necessary foundation of our military.
我们希望拥有世界上最强大、最具活力、最具创新性和最先进的经济。美国经济是美国生活方式的基础，它承诺并提供了广泛和基础广泛的繁荣，创造了向上流动的机会，并奖励辛勤工作。我们的经济也是我们全球地位的基石和我们军事力量的必要基础。
We want the world's most robust industrial base.
我们希望拥有世界上最强大的工业基础。
American national power depends on a strong industrial sector capable of meeting both peacetime and wartime production demands.
美国的国家实力依赖于一个强大的工业部门，能够满足和平时期和战时的生产需求。
That requires not only direct defense industrial production capacity but also defense-related production capacity.
这不仅需要直接的国防工业生产能力，还需要与国防相关的生产能力。
Cultivating American industrial strength must become the highest priority of national economic policy.
培育美国工业实力必须成为国家经济政策的最高优先事项。
We want the world's most robust, productive, and innovative energy sector—one capable not just of fueling American economic growth but of being one of America's leading export industries in its own right.
我们希望拥有世界上最强大、最高产和最具创新性的能源部门——一个不仅能够为美国经济增长提供动力，而且本身就能成为美国领先的出口产业之一。
We want to remain the world's most scientifically and technologically advanced and innovative country, and to build on these strengths.
我们希望保持世界上最先进、最具创新性的科技强国的地位，并在此基础上继续发展。
And we want to protect our intellectual property from foreign theft.
我们希望保护我们的知识产权免受外国窃取。
America's pioneering spirit is a key pillar of our continued economic dominance and military superiority; it must be preserved.
美国的开拓精神是我们持续经济主导和军事优势的关键支柱；必须予以保护。
We want to maintain the United States' unrivaled "soft power" through which we exercise positive influence throughout the world that furthers our interests.
我们希望保持美国无与伦比的"软实力"，通过它我们在全世界施加积极影响，从而促进我们的利益。
In doing so, we will be unapologetic about our country's past and present while respectful of other countries' differing religions, cultures, and governing systems.
在此过程中，我们将对我们国家的过去和现在毫不掩饰，同时尊重其他国家的不同宗教、文化和治理体系。
"Soft power" that serves America's true national interest is effective only if we believe in our country's inherent greatness and decency.
只有当我们相信我们国家内在的伟大和体面时，服务于美国真正国家利益的"软实力"才能有效。
Finally, we want the restoration and reinvigoration of American spiritual and cultural health, without which long-term security is impossible.
最后，我们希望恢复和重振美国的精神和文化健康，没有这些，长期安全是不可能的。
We want an America that cherishes its past glories and its heroes, and that looks forward to a new golden age.
我们希望一个珍视其过去辉煌和英雄的美国，并期待着一个新的黄金时代。
We want a people who are proud, happy, and optimistic that they will leave their country to the next generation better than they found it.
我们希望一个人民感到自豪、快乐和乐观，相信他们传给下一代的国家会比他们接手时更好。
We want a gainfully employed citizenry—with no one sitting on the sidelines—who take satisfaction from knowing that their work is essential to the prosperity of our nation and to the well-being of individuals and families.
我们希望一个充分就业的公民群体——没有人袖手旁观——他们从工作中获得满足感，因为他们知道自己的工作对我们国家的繁荣以及个人和家庭的福祉至关重要。
This cannot be accomplished without growing numbers of strong, traditional families that raise healthy children.
如果没有越来越多的抚养健康孩子的强大传统家庭，这是不可能实现的。
2. What Do We Want In and From the World?
2. 我们在世界上想要什么？以及想从世界得到什么？
Achieving these goals requires marshaling every resource of our national power.
实现这些目标需要调动我们国家力量的每一项资源。
Yet this strategy's focus is foreign policy.
然而，本战略的重点是外交政策。
What are America's core foreign policy interests?
美国的核心外交利益是什么？
What do we want in and from the world?
我们在世界上想要什么？又想从世界得到什么？
- We want to ensure that the Western Hemisphere remains reasonably stable and well-governed enough to prevent and discourage mass migration to the United States; we want a Hemisphere whose governments cooperate with us against narco-terrorists, cartels, and other transnational criminal organizations; we want a Hemisphere that remains free of hostile foreign incursion or ownership of key assets, and that supports critical supply chains; and we want to ensure our continued access to key strategic locations. In other words, we will assert and enforce a "Trump Corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine;
- 我们希望确保西半球保持合理的稳定和善治，足以预防和阻止大规模移民进入美国；我们希望一个其政府与我们合作打击毒品恐怖分子、卡特尔和其他跨国犯罪组织的半球；我们希望一个没有外国敌对势力入侵或控制关键资产，并支持关键供应链的半球；我们希望确保我们持续获得关键战略位置。换句话说，我们将主张并执行门罗主义的"特朗普推论"；
- We want to halt and reverse the ongoing damage that foreign actors inflict on the American economy while keeping the Indo-Pacific free and open, preserving freedom of navigation in all crucial sea lanes, and maintaining secure and reliable supply chains and access to critical materials;
- 我们希望阻止并扭转外国行为体对美国经济造成的持续损害，同时保持印太地区自由开放，维护所有关键航道的航行自由，并维持安全可靠的供应链和关键物资的获取；
- We want to support our allies in preserving the freedom and security of Europe, while restoring Europe's civilizational self-confidence and Western identity;
- 我们希望支持我们的盟友维护欧洲的自由与安全，同时恢复欧洲的文明自信和西方认同；
- We want to prevent an adversarial power from dominating the Middle East, its oil and gas supplies, and the chokepoints through which they pass while avoiding the "forever wars" that bogged us down in that region at great cost; and
- 我们希望防止敌对势力主导中东及其石油和天然气供应以及它们穿行的咽喉要道，同时避免使我们陷入该地区代价高昂的"永久战争"；以及
- We want to ensure that U.S. technology and U.S. standards—particularly in AI, biotech, and quantum computing—drive the world forward.
- 我们希望确保美国技术和美国标准——特别是在人工智能、生物技术和量子计算领域——引领世界向前发展。
These are the United States' core, vital national interests.
这些是美利坚合众国核心、至关重要的国家利益。
While we also have others, these are the interests we must focus on above all others, and that we ignore or neglect at our peril.
虽然我们还有其他利益，但这些是我们必须首要关注的利益，忽视或忽视它们将给我们带来危险。
III. What Are America's Available Means to Get What We Want?
三、美国有哪些可用的手段来实现目标？
America retains the world's most enviable position, with world-leading assets, resources, and advantages, including:
美国保持着世界上最令人羡慕的地位，拥有世界领先的资产、资源和优势，包括：
- A still nimble political system that can course correct;
- 一个仍然灵活、能够纠正路线的政治体系；
- The world's single largest and most innovative economy, which both generates wealth we can invest in strategic interests and provides leverage over countries that want access to our markets;
- 世界上最大、最具创新性的经济体，它既能产生我们可以投资于战略利益的财富，又能为那些想进入我们市场的国家提供杠杆；
- The world's leading financial system and capital markets, including the dollar's global reserve currency status;
- 世界领先的金融体系和资本市场，包括美元的全球储备货币地位；
- The world's most advanced, most innovative, and most profitable technology sector, which undergirds our economy, provides a qualitative edge to our military, and strengthens our global influence;
- 世界上最先进、最具创新性和最盈利的技术部门，它支撑着我们的经济，为我们的军队提供质量优势，并增强了我们的全球影响力；
- The world's most powerful and capable military;
- 世界上最强大、最有能力的军队；
- A broad network of alliances, with treaty allies and partners in the world's most strategically important regions;
- 一个广泛的联盟网络，在世界上最具战略重要性的地区拥有条约盟友和伙伴；
- An enviable geography with abundant natural resources, no competing powers physically dominant in our Hemisphere, borders at no risk of military invasion, and other great powers separated by vast oceans;
- 令人羡慕的地理位置，拥有丰富的自然资源，没有竞争大国在我们半球占据物理主导地位，边境没有军事入侵风险，其他大国被广阔的海洋隔开；
- Unmatched "soft power" and cultural influence; and
- 无与伦比的"软实力"和文化影响力；以及
- The courage, willpower, and patriotism of the American people.
- 美国人民的勇气、意志力和爱国主义精神。
In addition, through President Trump's robust domestic agenda, the United States is:
此外，通过特朗普总统强有力的国内议程，美国正在：
- Re-instilling a culture of competence, rooting out so-called "DEI" and other discriminatory and anti-competitive practices that degrade our institutions and hold us back;
- 重新灌输能力文化，根除所谓的"DEI"和其他歧视性、反竞争的做法，这些做法降低了我们机构的素质并阻碍了我们；
- Unleashing our enormous energy production capacity as a strategic priority to fuel growth and innovation, and to bolster and rebuild the middle class;
- 释放我们巨大的能源生产能力作为战略优先事项，以促进增长和创新，并支持并重建中产阶级；
- Reindustrializing our economy, again to further support the middle class and control our own supply chains and production capacities;
- 重新工业化我们的经济，再次进一步支持中产阶级并控制我们自己的供应链和生产能力；
- Returning economic freedom to our citizens via historic tax cuts and deregulatory efforts, making the United States the premier place to do business and invest capital; and
- 通过历史性的减税和放松监管努力，将经济自由归还给我们的公民，使美国成为经商和投资的首选地；以及
- Investing in emerging technologies and basic science, to ensure our continued prosperity, competitive advantage, and military dominance for future generations.
- 投资于新兴技术和基础科学，以确保我们持续的繁荣、竞争优势和军事主导地位，造福子孙后代。
The goal of this strategy is to tie together all of these world-leading assets, and others, to strengthen American power and preeminence and make our country even greater than it ever has been.
本战略的目标是将所有这些世界领先的资产以及其他资产联系起来，以增强美国的实力和卓越地位，使我们的国家比以往任何时候都更伟大。
IV. The Strategy
四、战略
1. Principles
1. 原则
President Trump's foreign policy is pragmatic without being "pragmatist," realistic without being "realist," principled without being "idealistic," muscular without being "hawkish," and restrained without being "dovish."
特朗普总统的外交政策务实但不"实用主义"，现实但不"现实主义"，有原则但不"理想主义"，强硬但不"鹰派"，克制但不"鸽派"。
It is not grounded in traditional, political ideology.
它不是基于传统的政治意识形态。
It is motivated above all by what works for America—or, in two words, "America First."
它的首要动机是对美国有效的东西——或者用两个字来说，"美国优先"。
President Trump has cemented his legacy as The President of Peace.
特朗普总统已经巩固了他作为和平总统的遗产。
In addition to the remarkable success achieved during his first term with the historic Abraham Accords, President Trump has leveraged his dealmaking ability to secure unprecedented peace in eight conflicts throughout the world over the course of just eight months of his second term.
除了在第一届任期内通过历史性的《亚伯拉罕协议》取得的显著成功外，特朗普总统利用他的谈判能力，在第二届任期仅八个月的时间里，确保了世界各地八场冲突的前所未有的和平。
He negotiated peace between Cambodia and Thailand, Kosovo and Serbia, the DRC and Rwanda, Pakistan and India, Israel and Iran, Egypt and Ethiopia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, and ended the war in Gaza with all living hostages returned to their families.
他促成了柬埔寨和泰国、科索沃和塞尔维亚、刚果（金）和卢旺达、巴基斯坦和印度、以色列和伊朗、埃及和埃塞俄比亚、亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆之间的和平，并结束了加沙战争，所有在世人质都已返回家庭。
Stopping regional conflicts before they spiral into global wars that drag down whole continents is worthy of the Commander-in-Chief's attention, and a priority for this administration.
在地区冲突升级为拖垮整个大陆的全球战争之前阻止它们，值得总司令的关注，也是本届政府的优先事项。
A world on fire, where wars come to our shores, is bad for American interests.
一个战火纷飞、战争蔓延到我们海岸的世界，不利于美国的利益。
President Trump uses unconventional diplomacy, America's military might, and economic leverage to surgically extinguish embers of division between nuclear-capable nations and violent wars caused by centuries-long hatred.
特朗普总统运用非常规外交、美国的军事力量和经济杠杆，精准地扑灭有核国家之间的分裂火种和由数百年仇恨引发的暴力战争。
President Trump has proven that American foreign, defense, and intelligence policies must be driven by the following basic principles:
特朗普总统已经证明，美国的外交、国防和情报政策必须遵循以下基本原则：
🎉 Focused Definition of the National Interest – Since at least the end of the Cold War, administrations have often published National Security Strategies that seek to expand the definition of America's "national interest" such that that almost no issue or endeavor is considered outside its scope. But to focus on everything is to focus on nothing. America's core national security interests shall be our focus.
🎉 聚焦的国家利益定义 – 至少自冷战结束以来，历届政府经常发布国家安全战略，试图扩大美国"国家利益"的定义，以至于几乎没有问题或努力被视为超出其范围。但聚焦一切就等于什么都没聚焦。美国的核心国家安全利益将是我们的重点。
🎉 Peace Through Strength – Strength is the best deterrent. Countries or other actors sufficiently deterred from threatening American interests will not do so.In addition, strength can enable us to achieve peace, because parties that respect our strength often seek our help and are receptive to our efforts to resolve conflicts and maintain peace.Therefore, the United States must maintain the strongest economy, develop the most advanced technologies, bolster our society's cultural health, and field the world's most capable military.
🎉 以实力求和平 – 实力是最好的威慑。被充分威慑而不敢威胁美国利益的国家或其他行为体将不会这样做。此外，实力可以使我们实现和平，因为尊重我们实力的各方通常寻求我们的帮助，并接受我们解决冲突和维护和平的努力。因此，美国必须保持最强大的经济，发展最先进的技术，增强我们社会的文化健康，并部署世界上最有能力的军队。
🎉 Predisposition to Non-Interventionism – In the Declaration of Independence, America's founders laid down a clear preference for non-interventionism in the affairs of other nations and made clear the basis: just as all human beings possess God-given equal natural rights, all nations are entitled by "the laws of nature and nature's God" to a "separate and equal station" with respect to one another. For a country whose interests are as numerous and diverse as ours, rigid adherence to non-interventionism is not possible. Yet this predisposition should set a high bar for what constitutes a justified intervention.
🎉 倾向于不干涉主义 – 在《独立宣言》中，美国的开国元勋们明确表示倾向于不干涉他国事务，并阐明了基础：正如所有人都拥有与生俱来的平等自然权利一样，所有国家都有权根据"自然法则和自然的上帝"获得彼此"分离和平等的地位"。对于一个利益像我们一样众多和多样化的国家来说，严格坚持不干涉主义是不可能的。然而，这种倾向应该为构成合理干预设定一个高门槛。
🎉 Flexible Realism – U.S. policy will be realistic about what is possible and desirable to seek in its dealings with other nations. We seek good relations and peaceful commercial relations with the nations of the world without imposing on them democratic or other social change that differs widely from their traditions and histories. We recognize and affirm that there is nothing inconsistent or hypocritical in acting according to such a realistic assessment or in maintaining good relations with countries whose governing systems and societies differ from ours even as we push like-minded friends to uphold our shared norms, furthering our interests as we do so.
🎉 灵活的现实主义 – 美国政策将现实地看待与其他国家交往中可能和可取的目标。我们寻求与世界各国建立良好关系与和平的商业关系，而不强加与其传统和历史迥异的民主或其他社会变革。我们认识到并确认，根据这种现实评估行事，或与治理体系和社会与我们不同的国家保持良好关系，同时推动志同道合的朋友维护我们共同的规范，并在此过程中增进我们的利益，这并不矛盾或虚伪。
🎉 Primacy of Nations – The world's fundamental political unit is and will remain the nation-state. It is natural and just that all nations put their interests first and guard their sovereignty. The world works best when nations prioritize their interests. The United States will put our own interests first and, in our relations with other nations, encourage them to prioritize their own interests as well. We stand for the sovereign rights of nations, *against* the sovereignty-sapping incursions of the most intrusive transnational organizations, and for reforming those institutions so that they assist rather than hinder individual sovereignty and further American interests.
🎉 国家优先 – 世界的基本政治单位现在是，将来也仍然是民族国家。所有国家将自己的利益放在首位并守护其主权是自然而公正的。当各国优先考虑自身利益时，世界运转得最好。美国将把我们自己的利益放在首位，并在我们与其他国家的关系中，鼓励它们也优先考虑自身利益。我们主张国家的主权权利，*反对*最侵入性的跨国组织对主权的侵蚀，并主张改革这些机构，使其帮助而不是阻碍个别主权，并促进美国的利益。
🎉 Sovereignty and Respect – The United States will unapologetically protect our own sovereignty. This includes preventing its erosion by transnational and international organizations, attempts by foreign powers or entities to censor our discourse or curtail our citizens' free speech rights, lobbying and influence operations that seek to steer our policies or involve us in foreign conflicts, and the cynical manipulation of our immigration system to build up voting blocs loyal to foreign interests within our country. The United States will chart our own course in the world and determine our own destiny, free of outside interference.
🎉 主权与尊重 – 美国将毫不掩饰地保护我们自己的主权。这包括防止其被跨国和国际组织侵蚀，防止外国势力或实体试图审查我们的言论或限制我们公民的言论自由权利，防止游说和影响行动试图操纵我们的政策或将我们卷入外国冲突，以及防止对我们移民制度的愤世嫉俗的操纵，以建立忠于外国利益的投票集团。美国将在世界上规划自己的路线，决定自己的命运，不受外部干涉。
🎉 Balance of Power – The United States cannot allow any nation to become so dominant that it could threaten our interests. We will work with allies and partners to maintain global and regional balances of power to prevent the emergence of dominant adversaries. As the United States *rejects* the ill-fated concept of global domination for itself, we must *prevent* the global, and in some cases even regional, domination of others. This does not mean wasting blood and treasure to curtail the influence of all the world's great and middle powers. The outsized influence of larger, richer, and stronger nations is a timeless truth of international relations. This reality sometimes entails working with partners to thwart ambitions that threaten our joint interests.
🎉 力量平衡 – 美国不能允许任何国家变得如此主导以至于可能威胁我们的利益。我们将与盟友和伙伴合作，维持全球和地区的力量平衡，以防止出现主导性的对手。正如美国*拒绝*自己进行全球主宰这一注定失败的概念一样，我们必须*防止*其他国家的全球，甚至在某些情况下的地区主导。这并不意味着浪费鲜血和财富来限制世界上所有大国和中等强国的影响力。更大、更富裕、更强大的国家具有超大的影响力，这是国际关系中永恒的真理。这一现实有时需要与合作伙伴合作，以挫败威胁我们共同利益的野心。
🎉 Pro-American Worker – American policy will be pro-worker, not merely pro-growth, and it will prioritize our own workers. We must rebuild an economy in which prosperity is broadly based and widely shared, not concentrated at the top or localized in certain industries or a few parts of our country.
🎉 支持美国工人 – 美国的政策将是亲工人的，而不仅仅是亲增长的，并将优先考虑我们自己的工人。我们必须重建一个繁荣基础广泛且广泛共享的经济，而不是集中在顶层或局限于某些行业或我们国家的少数地区。
🎉 Fairness – From military alliances to trade relations and beyond, the United States will insist on being treated fairly by other countries. We will no longer tolerate, and can no longer afford, free-riding, trade imbalances, predatory economic practices, and other impositions on our nation's historic goodwill that disadvantage our interests. As we want our allies to be rich and capable, so must our allies see that it is in their interest that the United States also remain rich and capable. In particular, we expect our allies to spend far more of their national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on their own defense, to start to make up for the enormous imbalances accrued over decades of much greater spending by the United States.
🎉 公平 – 从军事联盟到贸易关系及其他，美国将坚持要求其他国家公平对待我们。我们将不再容忍，也无法再承受搭便车、贸易不平衡、掠夺性经济行为以及其他利用我们国家历史善意的行为，这些行为损害了我们的利益。正如我们希望我们的盟友富裕而有能力一样，我们的盟友也必须看到，美国保持富裕和有实力符合他们的利益。特别是，我们期望我们的盟友将更多的国民生产总值（GDP）用于自己的国防，以开始弥补美国几十年来支出大得多所累积的巨大不平衡。
🎉 Competence and Merit – American prosperity and security depend on the development and promotion of competence. Competence and merit are among our greatest civilizational advantages: where the best Americans are hired, promoted, and honored, innovation and prosperity follow. Should competence be destroyed or systematically discouraged, complex systems that we take for granted—from infrastructure to national security to education and research—will cease to function. Should merit be smothered, America's historic advantages in science, technology, industry, defense, and innovation will evaporate. The success of radical ideologies that seek to replace competence and merit with favored group status would render America unrecognizable and unable to defend itself. At the same time, we cannot allow meritocracy to be used as a justification to open America's labor market to the world in the name of finding "global talent" that undercuts American workers. In our every principle and action, America and Americans must always come first.
🎉 能力与功绩 – 美国的繁荣和安全依赖于能力的培养和提升。能力和功绩是我们最伟大的文明优势之一：在雇用、晋升和表彰最优秀的美国人的地方，创新和繁荣随之而来。如果能力被摧毁或系统性地被抑制，我们视为理所当然的复杂系统——从基础设施到国家安全再到教育和研究——将停止运转。如果功绩被扼杀，美国在科学、技术、工业、国防和创新方面的历史优势将蒸发殆尽。那些试图用偏爱的群体地位取代能力和功绩的激进意识形态如果成功，将使美国变得面目全非且无法自卫。与此同时，我们不能允许精英管理被用作向世界开放美国劳动力市场的理由，以寻找"全球人才"的名义损害美国工人的利益。在我们的每一项原则和行动中，美国和美国人民必须始终放在第一位。
2. Priorities
2. 优先事项
🎉 The Era of Mass Migration Is Over – Who a country admits into its borders—in what numbers and from where—will inevitably define the future of that nation. Any country that considers itself sovereign has the right and duty to define its future. Throughout history, sovereign nations prohibited uncontrolled migration and granted citizenship only rarely to foreigners, who also had to meet demanding criteria. The West's experience over the past decades vindicates this enduring wisdom. In countries throughout the world, mass migration has strained domestic resources, increased violence and other crime, weakened social cohesion, distorted labor markets, and undermined national security. The era of mass migration must end. Border security is the primary element of national security. We must protect our country from invasion, not just from unchecked migration but from cross-border threats such as terrorism, drugs, espionage, and human trafficking. A border controlled by the will of the American people as implemented by their government is fundamental to the survival of the United States as a sovereign republic.
🎉 大规模移民时代已经结束 – 一个国家允许谁进入其边境——以何种数量以及来自哪里——将不可避免地定义该国的未来。任何自认为拥有主权的国家都有权利和义务定义自己的未来。纵观历史，主权国家禁止不受控制的移民，并且很少授予外国人公民身份，而且外国人还必须满足严格的标准。西方过去几十年的经验证明了这一持久智慧的正确性。在世界各国，大规模移民使国内资源紧张，增加了暴力和其他犯罪，削弱了社会凝聚力，扭曲了劳动力市场，并破坏了国家安全。大规模移民的时代必须结束。边境安全是国家安全的首要因素。我们必须保护我们的国家免受入侵，不仅是不受控制的移民，还包括恐怖主义、毒品、间谍活动和人口贩运等跨境威胁。由美国人民的意志通过其政府实施的边境控制，是美国作为一个主权共和国生存的基础。
🎉 Protection of Core Rights and Liberties – The purpose of the American government is to secure the God-given natural rights of American citizens. To this end, departments and agencies of the United States Government have been granted fearsome powers. Those powers must never be abused, whether under the guise of "deradicalization," "protecting our democracy," or any other pretext. When and where those powers are abused, abusers must be held accountable. In particular, the rights of free speech, freedom of religion and of conscience, and the right to choose and steer our common government are core rights that must never be infringed. Regarding countries that share, or say they share, these principles, the United States will advocate strongly that they be upheld in letter and spirit. We will oppose elite-driven, anti-democratic restrictions on core liberties in Europe, the Anglosphere, and the rest of the democratic world, especially among our allies.
🎉 保护核心权利和自由 – 美国政府的目的是保障美国公民与生俱来的自然权利。为此，美国政府各部门和机构被授予了强大的权力。这些权力绝不能滥用，无论是打着"去激进化"、"保护我们的民主"还是任何其他幌子。当这些权力被滥用时，滥用者必须被追究责任。特别是，言论自由、宗教和良心自由的权利，以及选择和引导我们共同政府的权利，是核心权利，绝不能被侵犯。对于那些分享或声称分享这些原则的国家，美国将强烈主张它们应在文字和精神上得到维护。我们将反对欧洲、英语圈和民主世界其他地区，特别是我们的盟友中，由精英驱动的对核心自由的限制。
🎉 Burden-Sharing and Burden-Shifting – The days of the United States propping up the entire world order like Atlas are over. We count among our many allies and partners dozens of wealthy, sophisticated nations that must assume primary responsibility for their regions and contribute far more to our collective defense. President Trump has set a new global standard with the Hague Commitment, which pledges NATO countries to spend 5 percent of GDP on defense and which our NATO allies have endorsed and must now meet. Continuing President Trump's approach of asking allies to assume primary responsibility for their regions, the United States will organize a burden-sharing network, with our government as convener and supporter. This approach ensures that burdens are shared and that all such efforts benefit from broader legitimacy. The model will be targeted partnerships that use economic tools to align incentives, share burdens with like-minded allies, and insist on reforms that anchor long-term stability. This strategic clarity will allow the United States to counter hostile and subversive influences efficiently while avoiding the overextension and diffuse focus that undermined past efforts. The United States will stand ready to help—potentially through more favorable treatment on commercial matters, technology sharing, and defense procurement—those counties that willingly take more responsibility for security in their neighborhoods and align their export controls with ours.
🎉 责任分担与责任转移 – 美国像阿特拉斯一样支撑整个世界秩序的日子已经结束。在我们众多的盟友和伙伴中，有几十个富裕、先进的国家，它们必须对其所在地区承担主要责任，并为我们的集体防御做出更多贡献。特朗普总统以《海牙承诺》设定了新的全球标准，该承诺要求北约国家将GDP的5%用于国防，我们的北约盟友已经认可并现在必须遵守。继续特朗普总统要求盟友承担其地区主要责任的做法，美国将组织一个责任分担网络，我国政府作为召集人和支持者。这种方法确保了责任得到分担，并且所有这些努力都能获得更广泛的合法性。该模式将是有针对性的伙伴关系，利用经济工具来调整激励，与志同道合的盟友分担负担，并坚持进行能够锚定长期稳定的改革。这种战略上的清晰度将使美国能够有效应对敌对和颠覆性影响，同时避免削弱过去努力的过度扩张和分散焦点。美国随时准备帮助那些愿意为其所在地区的安全承担更多责任并将其出口管制与我们对齐的国家——可能通过更优惠的商业待遇、技术共享和国防采购。
🎉 Realignment Through Peace – Seeking peace deals at the President's direction, even in regions and countries peripheral to our immediate core interests, is an effective way to increase stability, strengthen America's global influence, realign countries and regions toward our interests, and open new markets. The resources required boil down to presidential diplomacy, which our great nation can embrace only with competent leadership. The dividends—an end to longstanding conflicts, lives saved, new friends made—can vastly outweigh the relatively minor costs of time and attention.
🎉 通过和平实现重新结盟 – 在总统的指导下寻求和平协议，即使是在我们当前核心利益边缘的地区和国家，也是增加稳定性、加强美国的全球影响力、使国家和地区朝着符合我们利益的方向重新结盟以及开辟新市场的有效方式。所需的资源归根结底是总统外交，我们伟大的国家只有在有能力的领导下才能运用它。其收益——结束长期冲突、拯救生命、结交新朋友——可以大大超过时间和注意力上相对较小的成本。
🎉 Economic Security – Finally, because economic security is fundamental to national security, we will work to further strengthen the American economy, with emphases on:
🎉 经济安全 – 最后，由于经济安全是国家安全的基础，我们将努力进一步加强美国经济，重点是：
Balanced Trade – The United States will prioritize rebalancing our trade relations, reducing trade deficits, opposing barriers to our exports, and ending dumping and other anti-competitive practices that hurt American industries and workers. We seek fair, reciprocal trade deals with nations that want to trade with us on a basis of mutual benefit and respect. But our priorities must and will be our own workers, our own industries, and our own national security.
平衡贸易 – 美国将优先重新平衡我们的贸易关系，减少贸易逆差，反对针对我们出口的壁垒，并终止损害美国工业和工人的倾销和其他反竞争行为。我们寻求与那些希望在互利和尊重的基础上与我们进行贸易的国家达成公平、互惠的贸易协议。但我们的优先事项必须且将是我们自己的工人、我们自己的工业和我们自己的国家安全。
Securing Access to Critical Supply Chains and Materials – As Alexander Hamilton argued in our republic's earliest days, the United States must never be dependent on any outside power for core components—from raw materials to parts to finished products—necessary to the nation's defense or economy. We must re-secure our own independent and reliable access to the goods we need to defend ourselves and preserve our way of life. This will require expanding American access to critical minerals and materials while countering predatory economic practices. Moreover, the Intelligence Community will monitor key supply chains and technological advances around the world to ensure we understand and mitigate vulnerabilities and threats to American security and prosperity.
确保关键供应链和材料的获取 – 正如亚历山大·汉密尔顿在我们共和国早期所言，美国绝不能依赖任何外部力量提供国家国防或经济所需的核心组件——从原材料到零部件再到成品。我们必须重新确保我们自己能独立可靠地获取我们自卫和维持生活方式所需的商品。这将需要扩大美国对关键矿产和材料的获取，同时打击掠夺性经济行为。此外，情报界将监测全球关键供应链和技术进步，以确保我们了解并减轻对美国安全和繁荣的脆弱性和威胁。
Reindustrialization – The future belongs to makers. The United States will reindustrialize its economy, "re-shore" industrial production, and encourage and attract investment in our economy and our workforce, with a focus on the critical and emerging technology sectors that will define the future. We will do so through the strategic use of tariffs and new technologies that favor widespread industrial production in every corner of our nation, raise living standards for American workers, and ensure that our country is never again reliant on any adversary, present or potential, for critical products or components.
再工业化 – 未来属于制造者。美国将实现其经济的再工业化，"回岸"工业生产，并鼓励和吸引对我们经济和劳动力的投资，重点关注关键和新兴技术领域。我们将通过战略性地使用关税和新技术来实现这一点，这些关税和技术有利于在我们国家的每个角落进行广泛的工业生产，提高美国工人的生活水平，并确保我们的国家不再依赖任何现有或潜在的对手来获取关键产品或组件。
Reviving our Defense Industrial Base – A strong, capable military cannot exist without a strong, capable defense industrial base. The huge gap, demonstrated in recent conflicts, between low-cost drones and missiles versus the expensive systems required to defend against them has laid bare our need to change and adapt. America requires a national mobilization to innovate powerful defenses at low cost, to produce the most capable and modern systems and munitions at scale, and to re-shore our defense industrial supply chains. In particular, we must provide our warfighters with the full range of capabilities, ranging from low-cost weapons that can defeat most adversaries up to the most capable high-end systems necessary for a conflict with a sophisticated enemy. And to realize President Trump's vision of peace through strength, we must do so quickly. We will also encourage the revitalization of the industrial bases of all our allies and partners to strengthen collective defense.
重振国防工业基础 – 没有强大、有能力的国防工业基础，就不可能有强大、有能力的军队。近期冲突表明的低成本无人机和导弹与防御它们所需的昂贵系统之间的巨大差距，暴露了我们改变和适应的必要性。美国需要进行全国动员，以低成本创新强大的防御系统，大规模生产最有能力和最现代化的系统和弹药，并将我们的国防工业供应链"回岸"。特别是，我们必须为我们的作战人员提供全面的能力，从可以击败大多数对手的低成本武器，到与复杂敌人冲突所需的最有能力的尖端系统。为了实现特朗普总统以实力求和平的愿景，我们必须迅速做到这一点。我们还将鼓励所有盟友和伙伴的工业基地重振，以加强集体防御。
Energy Dominance – Restoring American energy dominance (in oil, gas, coal, and nuclear) and reshoring the necessary key energy components is a top strategic priority. Cheap and abundant energy will produce well-paying jobs in the United States, reduce costs for American consumers and businesses, fuel reindustrialization, and help maintain our advantage in cutting-edge technologies such as AI. Expanding our net energy exports will also deepen relationships with allies while curtailing the influence of adversaries, protect our ability to defend our shores, and—when and where necessary—enables us to project power. We reject the disastrous "climate change" and "Net Zero" ideologies that have so greatly harmed Europe, threaten the United States, and subsidize our adversaries.
能源主导 – 恢复美国在能源（石油、天然气、煤炭和核能）领域的主导地位，并将必要的关键能源组件"回岸"，是首要的战略优先事项。廉价而丰富的能源将在美国创造高薪就业机会，降低美国消费者和企业的成本，推动再工业化，并帮助保持我们在人工智能等尖端技术方面的优势。扩大我们的净能源出口也将加深与盟友的关系，同时削弱对手的影响力，保护我们保卫海岸的能力，并在必要时使我们能够投射力量。我们拒绝灾难性的"气候变化"和"净零排放"意识形态，这些意识形态极大地损害了欧洲，威胁着美国，并补贴了我们的对手。
Preserving and Growing America's Financial Sector Dominance – The United States boasts the world's leading financial and capital markets, which are pillars of American influence that afford policymakers significant leverage and tools to advance America's national security priorities. But our leadership position cannot be taken for granted. Preserving and growing our dominance entails leveraging our dynamic free market system and our leadership in digital finance and innovation to ensure that our markets continue to be the most dynamic, liquid, and secure and remain the envy of the world.
保持并增强美国金融部门的主导地位 – 美国拥有世界领先的金融和资本市场，这是美国影响力的支柱，为政策制定者提供了重要的杠杆和工具来推进美国的国家安全优先事项。但我们的领导地位不能被视为理所当然。保持和增强我们的主导地位需要利用我们充满活力的自由市场体系以及我们在数字金融和创新方面的领导地位，以确保我们的市场继续保持最活跃、最具流动性和最安全的状态，并让世界羡慕。
3. The Regions
3. 各地区
It has become customary for documents such as this to mention every part of the world and issue, on the assumption that any oversight signifies a blind spot or a snub.
这类文件习惯性地提及世界每个部分和问题，假设任何疏忽都意味着一个盲点或冷落。
As a result, such documents become bloated and unfocused—the opposite of what a strategy should be.
结果，这类文件变得臃肿且缺乏重点——与战略应有的样子相反。
To focus and prioritize is to choose—to acknowledge that not everything matters equally, to everyone.
聚焦和确定优先次序就是选择——承认并非所有事情对每个人都同等重要。
It is not to assert that any peoples, regions, or countries are somehow intrinsically unimportant.
这并不是断言任何民族、地区或国家本质上不重要。
The United States is by every measure the most generous nation in history—yet we cannot afford to be equally attentive to every region and every problem in the world.
从任何方面衡量，美国都是历史上最慷慨的国家——但我们不能同等地关注世界上每个地区和每个问题。
The purpose of national security policy is the protection of core national interests—some priorities transcend regional confines.
国家安全政策的目的是保护核心国家利益——有些优先事项超越了区域界限。
For instance, terrorist activity in an otherwise less consequential area might force our urgent attention.
例如，一个原本不太重要的地区的恐怖活动可能会迫使我们紧急关注。
But leaping from that necessity to sustained attention to the periphery is a mistake.
但从这种必要性跳到持续关注外围地区则是一个错误。
A. Western Hemisphere: The Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine
A. 西半球：门罗主义的特朗普推论
After years of neglect, the United States will reassert and enforce the Monroe Doctrine to restore American preeminence in the Western Hemisphere, and to protect our homeland and our access to key geographies throughout the region.
经过多年的忽视，美国将重申并执行门罗主义，以恢复美国在西半球的卓越地位，并保护我们的本土以及我们在整个地区获取关键地理位置的能力。
We will deny non-Hemispheric competitors the ability to position forces or other threatening capabilities, or to own or control strategically vital assets, in our Hemisphere.
我们将阻止非半球竞争对手在我们半球部署军队或其他威胁能力，或拥有或控制具有战略重要性的资产。
This "Trump Corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine is a common-sense and potent restoration of American power and priorities, consistent with American security interests.
门罗主义的这一"特朗普推论"是美国力量和优先事项的常识性且强有力的恢复，符合美国的安全利益。
Our goals for the Western Hemisphere can be summarized as "Enlist and Expand."
我们对西半球的目标可以概括为"争取与扩展"。
We will enlist established friends in the Hemisphere to control migration, stop drug flows, and strengthen stability and security on land and sea.
我们将争取该半球现有的朋友来控制移民、阻止毒品流动，并加强陆地和海上的稳定与安全。
We will expand by cultivating and strengthening new partners while bolstering our own nation's appeal as the Hemisphere's economic and security partner of choice.
我们将通过培养和加强新的伙伴来扩展，同时增强我们国家作为该半球首选经济和安全伙伴的吸引力。
Enlist
争取
American policy should focus on enlisting regional champions that can help create tolerable stability in the region, even beyond those partners' borders.
美国的政策应侧重于争取能够帮助在该地区创造可容忍的稳定局面的区域领导者，甚至超越这些伙伴的边界。
These nations would help us stop illegal and destabilizing migration, neutralize cartels, nearshore manufacturing, and develop local private economies, among other things.
这些国家将帮助我们阻止非法和破坏稳定的移民，打击卡特尔，推动近岸制造，发展当地私营经济等。
We will reward and encourage the region's governments, political parties, and movements broadly aligned with our principles and strategy.
我们将奖励和鼓励该地区与我们的原则和战略大体一致的政府、政党和运动。
But we must not overlook governments with different outlooks with whom we nonetheless share interests and who want to work with us.
但我们绝不能忽视那些与我们观点不同，却与我们有着共同利益并希望与我们合作的政府。
The United States must reconsider our military presence in the Western Hemisphere.
美国必须重新考虑我们在西半球的军事存在。
This means four obvious things:
这意味着四件显而易见的事情：
- A readjustment of our global military presence to address urgent threats in our Hemisphere, especially the missions identified in this strategy, and away from theaters whose relative import to American national security has declined in recent decades or years;
- 调整我们的全球军事存在，以应对我们半球内的紧迫威胁，特别是本战略中确定的任务，并远离那些对美国国家安全的相对重要性在过去几十年或几年中下降的战区；
- A more suitable Coast Guard and Navy presence to control sea lanes, to thwart illegal and other unwanted migration, to reduce human and drug trafficking, and to control key transit routes in a crisis;
- 增加更合适的海岸警卫队和海军存在，以控制海上航道，阻止非法和其他不良移民，减少人口和毒品贩运，并在危机中控制关键运输路线；
- Targeted deployments to secure the border and defeat cartels, including where necessary the use of lethal force to replace the failed law enforcement-only strategy of the last several decades; and
- 有针对性地部署部队以确保边境安全并打击卡特尔，包括在必要时使用致命武力来取代过去几十年仅靠执法的失败策略；以及
- Establishing or expanding access in strategically important locations.
- 在具有战略重要性的地点建立或扩大准入。
The United States will prioritize commercial diplomacy, to strengthen our own economy and industries, using tariffs and reciprocal trade agreements as powerful tools.
美国将优先考虑商业外交，以加强我们自己的经济和工业，使用关税和互惠贸易协定作为强有力的工具。
The goal is for our partner nations to build up their domestic economies, while an economically stronger and more sophisticated Western Hemisphere becomes an increasingly attractive market for American commerce and investment.
目标是让我们的伙伴国发展其国内经济，同时一个经济更强大、更先进的西半球成为对美国商业和投资越来越有吸引力的市场。
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Strengthening critical supply chains in this Hemisphere will reduce dependencies and increase American economic resilience.
加强本半球的关键供应链将减少依赖性并增强美国的经济韧性。
The linkages created between America and our partners will benefit both sides while making it harder for non-Hemispheric competitors to increase their influence in the region.
美国与我们的伙伴之间建立的联系将使双方受益，同时使非半球竞争对手更难在该地区增加其影响力。
And even as we prioritize commercial diplomacy, we will work to strengthen our security partnerships—from weapons sales to intelligence sharing to joint exercises.
即使我们优先考虑商业外交，我们也将努力加强我们的安全伙伴关系——从武器销售到情报共享再到联合演习。
Expand
扩展
As we deepen our partnerships with countries with whom America presently has strong relations, we must look to expand our network in the region.
在我们深化与美国目前有密切关系的国家的伙伴关系的同时，我们必须着眼于扩大我们在该地区的网络。
We want other nations to see us as their partner of first choice, and we will (through various means) discourage their collaboration with others.
我们希望其他国家将我们视为它们的首选合作伙伴，我们将（通过各种方式）阻止它们与其他国家的合作。
The Western Hemisphere is home to many strategic resources that America should partner with regional allies to develop, to make neighboring countries as well as our own more prosperous.
西半球拥有许多战略资源，美国应与地区盟友合作开发，以使邻国以及我们自己更加繁荣。
The National Security Council will immediately begin a robust interagency process to task agencies, supported by our Intelligence Community's analytical arm, to identify strategic points and resources in the Western Hemisphere with a view to their protection and joint development with regional partners.
国家安全委员会将立即启动一个强有力的跨部门进程，在情报界分析部门的支持下，责成各机构识别西半球的战略要点和资源，以期与地区伙伴共同保护和开发这些资源。
Non-Hemispheric competitors have made major inroads into our Hemisphere, both to disadvantage us economically in the present, and in ways that may harm us strategically in the future.
非半球竞争对手已经大举进入我们半球，既在目前损害我们的经济利益，也可能在未来以战略方式伤害我们。
Allowing these incursions without serious pushback is another great American strategic mistake of recent decades.
允许这些侵入而不进行严肃的反击，是近几十年来美国的另一个重大战略错误。
The United States must be preeminent in the Western Hemisphere as a condition of our security and prosperity—a condition that allows us to assert ourselves confidently where and when we need to in the region.
美国必须在西半球占据主导地位，这是我们安全和繁荣的一个条件——这个条件使我们能够在该区域需要的时间和地点自信地维护自己的利益。
The terms of our alliances, and the terms upon which we provide any kind of aid, must be contingent on winding down adversarial outside influence—from control of military installations, ports, and key infrastructure to the purchase of strategic assets broadly defined.
我们的联盟条款，以及我们提供任何形式援助的条款，都必须以逐步减少敌对的外部影响力为条件——从控制军事设施、港口和关键基础设施到购买广义的战略资产。
Some foreign influence will be hard to reverse, given the political alignments between certain Latin American governments and certain foreign actors.
鉴于某些拉丁美洲政府与某些外国行为体之间的政治结盟，一些外国影响力将难以逆转。
However, many governments are not ideologically aligned with foreign powers but are instead attracted to doing business with them for other reasons, including low costs
然而，许多政府并非在意识形态上与外国势力结盟，而是因为其他原因被与他们做生意所吸引，包括低成本
and fewer regulatory hurdles.
和更少的监管障碍。
The United States has achieved success in rolling back outside influence in the Western Hemisphere by demonstrating, with specificity, how many hidden costs—in espionage, cybersecurity, debt-traps, and other ways—are embedded in allegedly "low cost" foreign assistance.
美国通过具体展示所谓"低成本"的外国援助中蕴含了多少隐性成本——在间谍活动、网络安全、债务陷阱等方面——在遏制西半球的外部影响力方面取得了成功。
We should accelerate these efforts, including by utilizing U.S. leverage in finance and technology to induce countries to reject such assistance.
我们应该加速这些努力，包括利用美国在金融和技术方面的影响力，促使各国拒绝此类援助。
In the Western Hemisphere—and everywhere in the world—the United States should make clear that American goods, services, and technologies are a far better buy in the long run, because they are higher quality and do not come with the same kind of strings as other countries' assistance.
在西半球——以及全世界各地——美国应该明确表示，从长远来看，美国的商品、服务和技术是更明智的选择，因为它们质量更高，并且不像其他国家的援助那样附带条件。
That said, we will reform our own system to expedite approvals and licensing—again, to make ourselves the partner of first choice.
尽管如此，我们将改革我们自己的系统以加快审批和许可——再次强调，是为了使自己成为首选合作伙伴。
The choice all countries should face is whether they want to live in an American-led world of sovereign countries and free economies or in a parallel one in which they are influenced by countries on the other side of the world.
所有国家面临的选择是，他们希望生活在一个由美国主导的主权国家和自由经济的世界，还是一个受世界另一端国家影响的平行世界。
Every U.S. official working in or on the region must be up to speed on the full picture of detrimental outside influence while simultaneously applying pressure and offering incentives to partner countries to protect our Hemisphere.
在该地区工作或负责该地区的每一位美国官员都必须全面了解有害的外部影响，同时对伙伴国施加压力并提供激励，以保护我们的半球。
Successfully protecting our Hemisphere also requires closer collaboration between the U.S. Government and the American private sector.
成功保护我们的半球还需要美国政府与美国私营部门之间更紧密的合作。
All our embassies must be aware of major business opportunities in their country, especially major government contracts.
我们所有的大使馆都必须了解其所在国的重大商业机会，特别是主要的政府合同。
Every U.S. Government official that interacts with these countries should understand that part of their job is to help American companies compete and succeed.
与这些国家互动的每一位美国政府官员都应该明白，他们工作的一部分是帮助美国公司竞争并取得成功。
The U.S. Government will identify strategic acquisition and investment opportunities for American companies in the region and present these opportunities for assessment by every U.S. Government financing program, including but not limited to those within the Departments of State, War, and Energy; the Small Business Administration; the International Development Finance Corporation; the Export-Import Bank; and the Millennium Challenge Corporation.
美国政府将为美国公司识别该地区的战略性收购和投资机会，并将这些机会提交给每一个美国政府融资项目进行评估，包括但不限于国务院、战争部和能源部内的项目；小企业管理局；国际开发金融公司；进出口银行；以及千年挑战公司。
We should also partner with regional governments and businesses to build scalable and resilient energy infrastructure, invest in critical mineral access, and harden existing and future cyber communications networks that take full advantage of American
我们还应该与地区政府和企业合作，建设可扩展和有韧性的能源基础设施，投资于关键矿产的获取，并加固现有和未来的网络通信网络，充分利用美国的
encryption and security potential.
加密和安全潜力。
The aforementioned U.S. Government entities should be used to finance some of the costs of purchasing U.S. goods abroad.
上述美国政府实体应用于资助在国外购买美国商品的部分成本。
The United States must also resist and reverse measures such as targeted taxation, unfair regulation, and expropriation that disadvantage U.S. businesses.
美国还必须抵制和扭转针对性的税收、不公平监管和征用等损害美国企业利益的措施。
The terms of our agreements, especially with those countries that depend on us most and therefore over which we have the most leverage, must be sole-source contracts for our companies.
我们的协议条款，特别是与那些最依赖我们、因此我们最有影响力的国家达成的条款，必须是针对我们公司的单一来源合同。
At the same time, we should make every effort to push out foreign companies that build infrastructure in the region.
与此同时，我们应该尽一切努力排挤在该地区建设基础设施的外国公司。
B. Asia: Win the Economic Future, Prevent Military Confrontation
B. 亚洲：赢得经济未来，防止军事对抗
Leading from a Position of Strength
以实力地位领导
President Trump single-handedly reversed more than three decades of mistaken American assumptions about China: namely, that by opening our markets to China, encouraging American business to invest in China, and outsourcing our manufacturing to China, we would facilitate China's entry into the so-called "rules-based international order."
特朗普总统单枪匹马地扭转了美国三十多年来关于中国的错误假设：即通过向中国开放我们的市场、鼓励美国企业在中国投资以及将我们的制造业外包给中国，我们将促进中国进入所谓的"基于规则的国际秩序"。
This did not happen.
这并没有发生。
China got rich and powerful, and used its wealth and power to its considerable advantage.
中国变得富裕和强大，并利用其财富和权力获得了相当大的优势。
American elites—over four successive administrations of both political parties—were either willing enablers of China's strategy or in denial.
美国的精英们——跨越两党连续四届政府——要么是中国战略的自愿推动者，要么是持否认态度。
The Indo-Pacific is already the source of almost half the world's GDP based on purchasing power parity (PPP), and one third based on nominal GDP.
按购买力平价（PPP）计算，印太地区已占世界GDP的近一半，按名义GDP计算则占三分之一。
That share is certain to grow over the 21st century.
这一份额在21世纪必然会增长。
Which means that the Indo-Pacific is already and will continue to be among the next century's key economic and geopolitical battlegrounds.
这意味着印太地区已经是并将继续是下一个世纪关键的经济和地缘政治战场之一。
To thrive at home, we must successfully compete there—and we are.
为了在国内繁荣发展，我们必须在那里成功竞争——我们正在这样做。
President Trump signed major agreements during his October 2025 travels that further deepen our powerful ties of commerce, culture, technology, and defense, and reaffirm our commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific.
特朗普总统在2025年10月的访问期间签署了重大协议，进一步深化了我们强大的商业、文化、技术和国防联系，并重申了我们对自由开放的印太地区的承诺。
America retains tremendous assets—the world's strongest economy and military, world-beating innovation, unrivaled "soft power," and a historic record of benefiting our allies and partners—that enable us to compete successfully.
美国保留着巨大的资产——世界上最强大的经济和军队、世界领先的创新、无与伦比的"软实力"，以及使我们的盟友和伙伴受益的历史记录——这些使我们能够成功竞争。
President Trump is building alliances and strengthening partnerships in the Indo-Pacific that will be the bedrock of security and prosperity long into the future.
特朗普总统正在印太地区建立联盟并加强伙伴关系，这将成为未来长期安全和繁荣的基石。
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Economics: The Ultimate Stakes
经济：最终的利害关系
Since the Chinese economy reopened to the world in 1979, commercial relations between our two countries have been and remain fundamentally unbalanced.
自1979年中国经济向世界重新开放以来，我们两国之间的商业关系一直是并且仍然是根本不平衡的。
What began as a relationship between a mature, wealthy economy and one of the world's poorest countries has transformed into one between near-peers, even as, until very recently, America's posture remained rooted in those past assumptions.
这种关系开始时是一个成熟、富裕的经济体与世界上最贫穷的国家之一之间的关系，现已转变为近乎对等者之间的关系，尽管直到最近，美国的姿态仍然植根于过去的那些假设。
China adapted to the shift in U.S. tariff policy that began in 2017 in part by strengthening its hold on supply chains, especially in the world's low- and middle-income (i.e., per capita GDP $13,800 or less) countries—among the greatest economic battlegrounds of the coming decades.
中国适应了始于2017年的美国关税政策转变，部分方法是加强其对供应链的控制，尤其是在世界低收入和中等收入国家（即人均GDP 13,800美元或以下）——这些国家是未来几十年最大的经济战场之一。
China's exports to low-income countries doubled between 2020 and 2024.
2020年至2024年间，中国对低收入国家的出口翻了一番。
The United States imports Chinese goods indirectly from middlemen and Chinese-built factories in a dozen countries, including Mexico.
美国通过中间商和在包括墨西哥在内的十几个国家中由中国人建造的工厂间接进口中国商品。
China's exports to low-income countries are today nearly four times its exports to the United States.
如今，中国对低收入国家的出口是其对美国出口的近四倍。
When President Trump first took office in 2017, China's exports to the United States stood at 4 percent of its GDP but have since fallen to slightly over 2 percent of its GDP.
当特朗普总统于2017年首次上任时，中国对美国的出口占其GDP的4%，但此后已降至略高于2%。
China continues, however, to export to the United States through other proxy countries.
然而，中国继续通过其他代理国家向美国出口。
Going forward, we will rebalance America's economic relationship with China, prioritizing reciprocity and fairness to restore American economic independence.
展望未来，我们将重新平衡美国与中国的经济关系，优先考虑互惠和公平，以恢复美国的经济独立。
Trade with China should be balanced and focused on non-sensitive factors.
与中国的贸易应该是平衡的，并侧重于非敏感因素。
If America remains on a growth path—and can sustain that while maintaining a genuinely mutually advantageous economic relationship with Beijing—we should be headed from our present $30 trillion economy in 2025 to $40 trillion in the 2030s, putting our country in an enviable position to maintain our status as the world's leading economy.
如果美国保持增长轨道——并且能够在维持与北京真正互惠的经济关系的同时持续增长——我们应该从2025年目前的30万亿美元经济规模发展到2030年代的40万亿美元，使我们国家处于令人羡慕的地位，以保持我们作为世界领先经济体的地位。
Our ultimate goal is to lay the foundation for long-term economic vitality.
我们的最终目标是为长期经济活力奠定基础。
Importantly, this must be accompanied by a robust and ongoing focus on deterrence to prevent war in the Indo-Pacific.
重要的是，这必须伴随着对威慑的持续有力关注，以防止印太地区发生战争。
This combined approach can become a virtuous cycle as strong American deterrence opens up space for more disciplined economic action, while more disciplined economic action leads to greater American resources to sustain deterrence in the long term.
这种综合方法可以形成一个良性循环，因为强大的美国威慑为更有纪律的经济行动开辟了空间，而更有纪律的经济行动又使美国拥有更多的资源来维持长期的威慑。
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To accomplish this, several things are essential.
为实现这一目标，几件事至关重要。
First, the United States must protect and defend our economy and our people from harm, from any country or source.
首先，美国必须保护和捍卫我们的经济和人民免受来自任何国家或来源的伤害。
This means ending (among other things):
这意味着终止（除其他外）：
- Predatory, state-directed subsidies and industrial strategies;
- 掠夺性的、国家主导的补贴和产业战略；
- Unfair trading practices;
- 不公平的贸易行为；
- Job destruction and deindustrialization;
- 工作机会的破坏和去工业化；
- Grand-scale intellectual property theft and industrial espionage;
- 大规模的知识产权盗窃和工业间谍活动；
- Threats against our supply chains that risk U.S. access to critical resources, including minerals and rare earth elements;
- 威胁我们的供应链，危及美国获取关键资源，包括矿产和稀土元素；
- Exports of fentanyl precursors that fuel America's opioid epidemic; and
- 出口助长美国阿片类药物流行的芬太尼前体；以及
- Propaganda, influence operations, and other forms of cultural subversion.
- 宣传、影响行动和其他形式的文化颠覆。
Second, the United States must work with our treaty allies and partners—who together add another $35 trillion in economic power to our own $30 trillion national economy (together constituting more than half the world economy)—to counteract predatory economic practices and use our combined economic power to help safeguard our prime position in the world economy and ensure that allied economies do not become subordinate to any competing power.
第二，美国必须与我们的条约盟友和伙伴合作——他们为我们的30万亿美元国民经济增加了另外35万亿美元的经济力量（合计占世界经济的一半以上）——以对抗掠夺性经济行为，并利用我们联合的经济力量来帮助维护我们在世界经济中的首要地位，并确保盟国经济不会从属于任何竞争力量。
We must continue to improve commercial (and other) relations with India to encourage New Delhi to contribute to Indo-Pacific security, including through continued quadrilateral cooperation with Australia, Japan, and the United States ("the Quad").
我们必须继续改善与印度的商业（及其他）关系，以鼓励新德里为印太安全做出贡献，包括通过继续与澳大利亚、日本和美国进行四方合作（"四方安全对话"）。
Moreover, we will also work to align the actions of our allies and partners with our joint interest in preventing domination by any single competitor nation.
此外，我们还将努力使我们盟友和伙伴的行动与我们防止任何单一竞争对手国家主导的共同利益保持一致。
The United States must at the same time invest in research to preserve and advance our advantage in cutting-edge military and dual-use technology, with emphasis on the domains where U.S. advantages are strongest.
与此同时，美国必须投资于研究，以保持和推进我们在尖端军事和两用技术方面的优势，重点是美国优势最强的领域。
These include undersea, space, and nuclear, as well as others that will decide the future of military power, such as AI, quantum computing, and autonomous systems, plus the energy necessary to fuel these domains.
这些包括海底、太空和核能，以及其他将决定军事力量未来的领域，如人工智能、量子计算和自主系统，以及为这些领域提供动力所需的能源。
Additionally, the U.S. Government's critical relationships with the American private sector help maintain surveillance of persistent threats to U.S. networks, including critical infrastructure.
此外，美国政府与美国私营部门的关键关系有助于监视对美国网络（包括关键基础设施）的持续威胁。
This in turn enables the U.S. Government's ability to conduct real-time discovery, attribution, and response (i.e., network defense and
这反过来又使美国政府能够进行实时发现、归因和响应（即网络防御和
offensive cyber operations) while protecting the competitiveness of the U.S. economy and bolstering the resilience of the American technology sector.
进攻性网络行动），同时保护美国经济的竞争力并增强美国技术部门的韧性。
Improving these capabilities will also require considerable deregulation to further improve our competitiveness, spur innovation, and increase access to America's natural resources.
提高这些能力还需要大幅放松管制，以进一步提高我们的竞争力、刺激创新并增加美国自然资源的获取。
In doing so, we should aim to restore a military balance favorable to the United States and to our allies in the region.
在此过程中，我们的目标应是恢复对本地区美国及其盟友有利的军事平衡。
In addition to maintaining economic preeminence and consolidating our alliance system into an economic group, the United States must execute robust diplomatic and private sector-led economic engagement in those countries where the majority of global economic growth is likely to occur over the coming decades.
除了保持经济卓越地位并将我们的联盟体系整合为一个经济集团外，美国还必须在那些未来几十年全球经济增长可能主要发生的国家执行强有力的外交和私营部门主导的经济接触。
America First diplomacy seeks to rebalance global trade relationships.
美国优先外交旨在重新平衡全球贸易关系。
We have made clear to our allies that America's current account deficit is unsustainable.
我们已经向我们的盟友明确表示，美国的经常账户赤字是不可持续的。
We must encourage Europe, Japan, Korea, Australia, Canada, Mexico, and other prominent nations in adopting trade policies that help rebalance China's economy toward household consumption, because Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East cannot alone absorb China's enormous excess capacity.
我们必须鼓励欧洲、日本、韩国、澳大利亚、加拿大、墨西哥和其他主要国家采取贸易政策，帮助将中国经济重新平衡向家庭消费，因为东南亚、拉丁美洲和中东无法单独吸收中国巨大的过剩产能。
The exporting nations of Europe and Asia can also look to middle-income countries as a limited but growing market for their exports.
欧洲和亚洲的出口国也可以将中等收入国家视为其出口的有限但不断增长的市场。
China's state-led and state-backed companies excel in building physical and digital infrastructure, and China has recycled perhaps $1.3 trillion of its trade surpluses into loans to its trading partners.
中国的国有和国有支持的公司擅长建设实体和数字基础设施，中国可能已将其约1.3万亿美元的贸易顺差转化为向其贸易伙伴提供的贷款。
America and its allies have not yet formulated, much less executed, a joint plan for the so-called "Global South," but together possess tremendous resources.
美国及其盟友尚未制定——更不用说执行——一项针对所谓"全球南方"的联合计划，但它们共同拥有巨大的资源。
Europe, Japan, South Korea, and others hold net foreign assets of $7 trillion.
欧洲、日本、韩国等国家拥有7万亿美元的净外国资产。
International financial institutions, including the multilateral development banks, possess combined assets of $1.5 trillion.
国际金融机构，包括多边开发银行，拥有总计1.5万亿美元的资产。
While mission creep has undermined some of these institutions' effectiveness, this administration is dedicated to using its leadership position to implement reforms that ensure they serve American interests.
虽然使命蔓延削弱了其中一些机构的效力，但本届政府致力于利用其领导地位实施改革，确保它们服务于美国的利益。
What differentiates America from the rest of the world—our openness, transparency, trustworthiness, commitment to freedom and innovation, and free market capitalism—will continue to make us the global partner of first choice.
使美国区别于世界其他地区的特点——我们的开放性、透明度、可信赖性、对自由和创新的承诺以及自由市场资本主义——将继续使我们成为全球首选合作伙伴。
America still holds the dominant position in the key technologies that the world needs.
美国在全世界所需的关键技术领域仍占据主导地位。
We should present partners with a suite of inducements—for instance, high-
我们应该向合作伙伴提供一套激励措施——例如，高-
tech cooperation, defense purchases, and access to our capital markets—that tip decisions in our favor.
科技合作、国防采购以及进入我们的资本市场——这些措施将有利于我们做出决策。
President Trump's May 2025 state visits to Persian Gulf countries demonstrated the power and appeal of American technology.
特朗普总统2025年5月对波斯湾国家的国事访问展示了美国技术的实力和吸引力。
There, the President won the Gulf States' support for America's superior AI technology, deepening our partnerships.
在那里，总统赢得了海湾国家对美国先进AI技术的支持，加深了我们的伙伴关系。
America should similarly enlist our European and Asian allies and partners, including India, to cement and improve our joint positions in the Western Hemisphere and, with regard to critical minerals, in Africa.
美国同样应该争取我们的欧洲和亚洲盟友和伙伴，包括印度，以巩固和改善我们在西半球的共同地位，并在关键矿产方面，在非洲的地位。
We should form coalitions that use our comparative advantages in finance and technology to build export markets with cooperating countries.
我们应该组建联盟，利用我们在金融和技术方面的比较优势，与合作国家建立出口市场。
America's economic partners should no longer expect to earn income from the United States through overcapacity and structural imbalances but instead pursue growth through managed cooperation tied to strategic alignment and by receiving long-term U.S. investment.
美国的经济伙伴不应再期望通过产能过剩和结构性失衡从美国赚取收入，而应通过与战略结盟挂钩的受管制的合作以及接受美国的长期投资来追求增长。
With the world's deepest and most efficient capital markets, America can help low-income countries develop their own capital markets and bind their currencies more closely to the dollar, ensuring the dollar's future as the world's reserve currency.
凭借世界上最深厚、最高效的资本市场，美国可以帮助低收入国家发展自己的资本市场，并将其货币更紧密地与美元绑定，确保美元作为世界储备货币的未来。
Our greatest advantages remain our system of government and dynamic free market economy.
我们最大的优势仍然是我们的政府体系和充满活力的自由市场经济。
Yet we cannot assume that our system's advantages will prevail by default.
然而，我们不能想当然地认为我们体系的优势会自动占上风。
A national security strategy is, therefore, essential.
因此，一项国家安全战略至关重要。
Deterring Military Threats
威慑军事威胁
In the long term, maintaining American economic and technological preeminence is the surest way to deter and prevent a large-scale military conflict.
从长远来看，保持美国的经济和技术领先地位是威慑和防止大规模军事冲突的最可靠途径。
A favorable conventional military balance remains an essential component of strategic competition.
有利的常规军事平衡仍然是战略竞争的重要组成部分。
There is, rightly, much focus on Taiwan, partly because of Taiwan's dominance of semiconductor production, but mostly because Taiwan provides direct access to the Second Island Chain and splits Northeast and Southeast Asia into two distinct theaters.
人们理所当然地高度关注台湾，部分原因是台湾在半导体生产中的主导地位，但主要是因为台湾提供了通往第二岛链的直接通道，并将东北亚和东南亚分割成两个不同的战区。
Given that one-third of global shipping passes annually through the South China Sea, this has major implications for the U.S. economy.
鉴于每年有三分之一的全球航运通过南海，这对美国经济具有重大影响。
Hence deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.
因此，威慑在台湾问题上的冲突，理想情况下通过保持军事优势，是一项优先事项。
We will also maintain our longstanding declaratory policy on Taiwan, meaning that the United States does not support any unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait.
我们还将维持我们在台湾问题上长期以来的声明政策，即美国不支持台湾海峡现状的任何单方面改变。
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We will build a military capable of denying aggression anywhere in the First Island Chain.
我们将建立一支能够在第一岛链任何地方拒止侵略的军队。
But the American military cannot, and should not have to, do this alone.
但美国军队不能，也不应该独自完成这项任务。
Our allies must step up and spend—and more importantly do—much more for collective defense.
我们的盟友必须站出来，增加开支——更重要的是采取行动——为集体防御做出更多贡献。
America's diplomatic efforts should focus on pressing our First Island Chain allies and partners to allow the U.S. military greater access to their ports and other facilities, to spend more on their own defense, and most importantly to invest in capabilities aimed at deterring aggression.
美国的外交努力应侧重于敦促我们的第一岛链盟友和伙伴允许美军更多地使用他们的港口和其他设施，增加他们自身的国防开支，最重要的是投资于旨在威慑侵略的能力。
This will interlink maritime security issues along the First Island Chain while reinforcing U.S. and allies' capacity to deny any attempt to seize Taiwan or achieve a balance of forces so unfavorable to us as to make defending that island impossible.
这将使第一岛链沿线的海上安全问题相互关联，同时增强美国和盟友的能力，以阻止任何夺取台湾的企图，或形成对我们如此不利的力量平衡以至于无法保卫该岛。
A related security challenge is the potential for any competitor to control the South China Sea.
一个相关的安全挑战是任何竞争对手控制南海的可能性。
This could allow a potentially hostile power to impose a toll system over one of the world's most vital lanes of commerce or—worse—to close and reopen it at will.
这可能使一个潜在的敌对势力能够在世界上最关键的一条商业航道上强制实行通行费制度，或者——更糟的是——随意关闭和重新开放它。
Either of those two outcomes would be harmful to the U.S. economy and broader U.S. interests.
这两种结果中的任何一种都会损害美国经济和更广泛的美国利益。
Strong measures must be developed along with the deterrence necessary to keep those lanes open, free of "tolls," and not subject to arbitrary closure by one country.
必须制定强有力的措施以及必要的威慑，以保持这些航道的开放，免收"通行费"，并且不受一个国家任意关闭的影响。
This will require not just further investment in our military—especially naval—capabilities, but also strong cooperation with every nation that stands to suffer, from India to Japan and beyond, if this problem is not addressed.
这不仅需要进一步投资于我们的军事——特别是海军——能力，还需要与每一个将因此受苦的国家进行强有力的合作，从印度到日本及其他国家，如果这个问题得不到解决的话。
Given President Trump's insistence on increased burden-sharing from Japan and South Korea, we must urge these countries to increase defense spending, with a focus on the capabilities—including new capabilities—necessary to deter adversaries and protect the First Island Chain.
鉴于特朗普总统坚持要求日本和韩国增加责任分担，我们必须敦促这些国家增加国防开支，重点关注威慑对手和保护第一岛链所需的能力——包括新能力。
We will also harden and strengthen our military presence in the Western Pacific, while in our dealings with Taiwan and Australia we maintain our determined rhetoric on increased defense spending.
我们还将加强和巩固我们在西太平洋的军事存在，同时在与台湾和澳大利亚的交往中，我们保持关于增加国防开支的坚定言辞。
Preventing conflict requires a vigilant posture in the Indo-Pacific, a renewed defense industrial base, greater military investment from ourselves and from allies and partners, and winning the economic and technological competition over the long term.
防止冲突需要在印太地区保持警惕姿态、重建国防工业基础、增加我们自身及盟友和伙伴的军事投资，并赢得长期的经济和技术竞争。
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C. Promoting European Greatness
C. 促进欧洲的伟大
American officials have become used to thinking about European problems in terms of insufficient military spending and economic stagnation.
美国官员已经习惯于从军事开支不足和经济停滞的角度来思考欧洲问题。
There is truth to this, but Europe's real problems are even deeper.
这有一定道理，但欧洲的真正问题甚至更深层。
Continental Europe has been losing share of global GDP—down from 25 percent in 1990 to 14 percent today—partly owing to national and transnational regulations that undermine creativity and industriousness.
欧洲大陆占全球GDP的份额一直在下降——从1990年的25%下降到今天的14%——部分原因是破坏创造力和勤奋精神的国家和跨国法规。
But this economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark prospect of civilizational erasure.
但这种经济衰退与文明被抹杀这一更真实、更严峻的前景相比，显得黯然失色。
The larger issues facing Europe include activities of the European Union and other transnational bodies that undermine political liberty and sovereignty, migration policies that are transforming the continent and creating strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence.
欧洲面临的更大问题包括欧盟和其他跨国机构损害政治自由和主权的活动、正在改变大陆并引发冲突的移民政策、对言论自由的审查和对政治反对派的压制、出生率暴跌，以及民族认同和自信心的丧失。
Should present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less.
如果目前的趋势继续下去，欧洲大陆在20年或更短的时间内将变得面目全非。
As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and militaries strong enough to remain reliable allies.
因此，某些欧洲国家是否会有足够强大的经济和军事实力以保持可靠盟友的地位，还远未可知。
Many of these nations are currently doubling down on their present path.
其中许多国家目前正在加倍坚持他们现在的道路。
We want Europe to remain European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence, and to abandon its failed focus on regulatory suffocation.
我们希望欧洲保持其欧洲特色，重获其文明自信，并放弃其对窒息性监管的失败关注。
This lack of self-confidence is most evident in Europe's relationship with Russia.
这种缺乏自信在欧洲与俄罗斯的关系中最为明显。
European allies enjoy a significant hard power advantage over Russia by almost every measure, save nuclear weapons.
除了核武器，欧洲盟国在几乎所有方面都比俄罗斯拥有显著的硬实力优势。
As a result of Russia's war in Ukraine, European relations with Russia are now deeply attenuated, and many Europeans regard Russia as an existential threat.
由于俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争，欧洲与俄罗斯的关系现已严重削弱，许多欧洲人将俄罗斯视为生存威胁。
Managing European relations with Russia will require significant U.S. diplomatic engagement, both to reestablish conditions of strategic stability across the Eurasian landmass, and to mitigate the risk of conflict between Russia and European states.
管理欧洲与俄罗斯的关系将需要美国大量的外交接触，既是为了重新建立欧亚大陆的战略稳定条件，也是为了降低俄罗斯与欧洲国家之间发生冲突的风险。
It is a core interest of the United States to negotiate an expeditious cessation of hostilities in Ukraine, in order to stabilize European economies, prevent unintended escalation or expansion of the war, and reestablish strategic stability with Russia, as well as to enable the post-hostilities reconstruction of Ukraine to enable its survival as a viable state.
谈判迅速停止乌克兰的敌对行动是美国的一项核心利益，目的是稳定欧洲经济，防止战争意外升级或扩大，重建与俄罗斯的战略稳定，并使乌克兰能够在战后重建，使其作为一个有生存能力的国家继续存在。
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The Ukraine War has had the perverse effect of increasing Europe's, especially Germany's, external dependencies.
乌克兰战争产生了增加欧洲，特别是德国对外依赖的相反效果。
Today, German chemical companies are building some of the world's largest processing plants in China, using Russian gas that they cannot obtain at home.
如今，德国化工公司正在中国建造一些世界上最大的加工厂，使用他们在国内无法获得的俄罗斯天然气。
The Trump Administration finds itself at odds with European officials who hold unrealistic expectations for the war perched in unstable minority governments, many of which trample on basic principles of democracy to suppress opposition.
特朗普政府发现自己与那些对战争抱有不切实际期望的欧洲官员意见相左，这些官员所在的不稳定的少数派政府中，有许多践踏民主基本原则以压制反对派。
A large European majority wants peace, yet that desire is not translated into policy, in large measure because of those governments' subversion of democratic processes.
绝大多数欧洲人希望和平，但这种愿望并未转化为政策，很大程度上是因为那些政府颠覆了民主进程。
This is strategically important to the United States precisely because European states cannot reform themselves if they are trapped in political crisis.
这对美国具有重要的战略意义，正是因为如果欧洲国家陷入政治危机，它们就无法进行自我改革。
Yet Europe remains strategically and culturally vital to the United States.
然而，欧洲在战略和文化上对美国仍然至关重要。
Transatlantic trade remains one of the pillars of the global economy and of American prosperity.
跨大西洋贸易仍然是全球经济和美国繁荣的支柱之一。
European sectors from manufacturing to technology to energy remain among the world's most robust.
从制造业到技术再到能源，欧洲的各个部门仍然是世界上最强大的部门之一。
Europe is home to cutting-edge scientific research and world-leading cultural institutions.
欧洲是尖端科学研究和世界领先文化机构的所在地。
Not only can we not afford to write Europe off—doing so would be self-defeating for what this strategy aims to achieve.
我们不仅不能放弃欧洲——这样做对本战略旨在实现的目标将是自取败亡的。
American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations' individual character and history.
美国外交应继续支持真正的民主、言论自由，并毫不掩饰地颂扬欧洲各国的独特个性和历史。
America encourages its political allies in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism.
美国鼓励其在欧洲的政治盟友促进这种精神的复兴，而欧洲爱国政党日益增长的影响力确实令人非常乐观。
Our goal should be to help Europe correct its current trajectory.
我们的目标应该是帮助欧洲纠正其当前的发展轨迹。
We will need a strong Europe to help us successfully compete, and to work in concert with us to prevent any adversary from dominating Europe.
我们需要一个强大的欧洲来帮助我们成功竞争，并与我们合作防止任何对手主导欧洲。
America is, understandably, sentimentally attached to the European continent—and, of course, to Britain and Ireland.
可以理解，美国在情感上依恋欧洲大陆——当然，还有英国和爱尔兰。
The character of these countries is also strategically important because we count upon creative, capable, confident, democratic allies to establish conditions of stability and security.
这些国家的特质也具有重要的战略意义，因为我们依靠有创造力、有能力、自信、民主的盟友来建立稳定和安全的局面。
We want to work with aligned countries that want to restore their former greatness.
我们希望与那些希望恢复昔日伟大地位的志同道合的国家合作。
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Over the long term, it is more than plausible that within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European.
从长远来看，最迟在几十年内，某些北约成员国很可能将成为非欧洲裔占多数的国家。
As such, it is an open question whether they will view their place in the world, or their alliance with the United States, in the same way as those who signed the NATO charter.
因此，他们是否会以与签署《北约宪章》的人相同的方式看待自己在世界上的地位，或他们与美国的联盟，是一个悬而未决的问题。
Our broad policy for Europe should prioritize:
我们对欧洲的广泛政策应优先考虑：
- Reestablishing conditions of stability within Europe and strategic stability with Russia;
- 重建欧洲内部的稳定条件以及与俄罗斯的战略稳定；
- Enabling Europe to stand on its own feet and operate as a group of aligned sovereign nations, including by taking primary responsibility for its own defense, without being dominated by any adversarial power;
- 使欧洲能够自力更生，作为一个志同道合的主权国家集团运作，包括为其自身防御承担主要责任，而不被任何敌对势力主导；
- Cultivating resistance to Europe's current trajectory within European nations;
- 在欧洲国家内部培养对其当前发展轨迹的抵制力量；
- Opening European markets to U.S. goods and services and ensuring fair treatment of U.S. workers and businesses;
- 向美国商品和服务开放欧洲市场，并确保美国工人和企业得到公平对待；
- Building up the healthy nations of Central, Eastern, and Southern Europe through commercial ties, weapons sales, political collaboration, and cultural and educational exchanges;
- 通过商业联系、武器销售、政治合作以及文化和教育交流，建设中欧、东欧和南欧的健康国家；
- Ending the perception, and preventing the reality, of NATO as a perpetually expanding alliance; and
- 终结北约是一个永久扩张的联盟的观念，并防止其成为现实；以及
- Encouraging Europe to take action to combat mercantilist overcapacity, technological theft, cyber espionage, and other hostile economic practices.
- 鼓励欧洲采取行动打击重商主义的产能过剩、技术盗窃、网络间谍活动和其他敌对经济行为。
D. The Middle East: Shift Burdens, Build Peace
D. 中东：转移负担，建设和平
For half a century at least, American foreign policy has prioritized the Middle East above all other regions.
至少半个世纪以来，美国的外交政策一直将中东置于所有其他地区之上。
The reasons are obvious: the Middle East was for decades the world's most important supplier of energy, was a prime theater of superpower competition, and was rife with conflict that threatened to spill into the wider world and even to our own shores.
原因显而易见：几十年来，中东是世界上最重要的能源供应地，是超级大国竞争的主要舞台，而且冲突频发，威胁要蔓延到更广阔的世界，甚至蔓延到我们自己的海岸。
Today, at least two of those dynamics no longer hold.
如今，这些动态中至少有两个已不复存在。
Energy supplies have diversified greatly, with the United States once again a net energy exporter.
能源供应已大大多样化，美国再次成为能源净出口国。
Superpower competition has given way to great power jockeying, in which the United States retains the most enviable position, reinforced by President Trump's
超级大国竞争已让位于大国博弈，而美国在其中保持着最令人羡慕的地位，特朗普总统的
successful revitalization of our alliances in the Gulf, with other Arab partners, and with Israel.
成功振兴了我们在海湾地区、与其他阿拉伯伙伴以及以色列的联盟，这加强了美国的地位。
Conflict remains the Middle East's most troublesome dynamic, but there is today less to this problem than headlines might lead one to believe.
冲突仍然是中东最棘手的问题，但如今这个问题的重要性已不如头条新闻可能让人们相信的那样严重。
Iran—the region's chief destabilizing force—has been greatly weakened by Israeli actions since October 7, 2023, and President Trump's June 2025 Operation Midnight Hammer, which significantly degraded Iran's nuclear program.
伊朗——该地区主要的破坏稳定力量——自2023年10月7日以来因以色列的行动而大大削弱，以及特朗普总统于2025年6月发动的"午夜铁锤"行动严重破坏了伊朗的核计划。
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains thorny, but thanks to the ceasefire and release of hostages President Trump negotiated, progress toward a more permanent peace has been made.
以巴冲突仍然棘手，但由于特朗普总统谈判达成的停火和人质释放，在实现更持久和平方面已取得进展。
Hamas's chief backers have been weakened or stepped away.
哈马斯的主要支持者已被削弱或退出。
Syria remains a potential problem, but with American, Arab, Israeli, and Turkish support may stabilize and reassume its rightful place as an integral, positive player in the region.
叙利亚仍然是一个潜在问题，但在美国、阿拉伯国家、以色列和土耳其的支持下，可能会稳定下来，并重新成为该地区不可或缺的、积极的参与者。
As this administration rescinds or eases restrictive energy policies and American energy production ramps up, America's historic reason for focusing on the Middle East will recede.
随着本届政府撤销或放宽限制性能源政策以及美国能源产量增加，美国历史上关注中东的原因将逐渐消退。
Instead, the region will increasingly become a source and destination of international investment, and in industries well beyond oil and gas—including nuclear energy, AI, and defense technologies.
相反，该地区将日益成为国际投资的来源地和目的地，投资领域远不止石油和天然气——包括核能、人工智能和国防技术。
We can also work with Middle East partners to advance other economic interests, from securing supply chains to bolstering opportunities to develop friendly and open markets in other parts of the world such as Africa.
我们还可以与中东伙伴合作，推进其他经济利益，从保障供应链到增加在非洲等其他地区发展友好开放市场的机会。
Middle East partners are demonstrating their commitment to combatting radicalism, a trendline American policy should continue to encourage.
中东伙伴正在展示其打击激进主义的承诺，这是美国政策应继续鼓励的趋势。
But doing so will require dropping America's misguided experiment with hectoring these nations—especially the Gulf monarchies—into abandoning their traditions and historic forms of government.
但这样做需要美国停止其错误的尝试，即逼迫这些国家——特别是海湾君主国——放弃其传统和历史形式的政府。
We should encourage and applaud reform when and where it emerges organically, without trying to impose it from without.
我们应该在改革有机出现的时候和地方鼓励和赞扬改革，而不是试图从外部强加。
The key to successful relations with the Middle East is accepting the region, its leaders, and its nations as they are while working together on areas of common interest.
与中东建立成功关系的关键是接受该地区、其领导人和国家本来的样子，同时在共同利益领域进行合作。
America will always have core interests in ensuring that Gulf energy supplies do not fall into the hands of an outright enemy, that the Strait of Hormuz remain open, that the Red Sea remain navigable, that the region not be an incubator or exporter of terror against American interests or the American homeland, and that Israel remain secure.
美国将始终拥有确保海湾能源供应不落入完全敌人手中、霍尔木兹海峡保持开放、红海保持通航、该地区不成为针对美国利益或美国本土的恐怖主义的孵化地或输出地，以及以色列保持安全等核心利益。
We can and must address this threat ideologically and militarily
我们能够并且必须在意识形态上和军事上应对这一威胁
without decades of fruitless "nation-building" wars.
而无需进行几十年徒劳无功的"国家建设"战争。
We also have a clear interest in expanding the Abraham Accords to more nations in the region and to other countries in the Muslim world.
我们也有明确的利益将《亚伯拉罕协议》扩展到该地区更多国家以及穆斯林世界的其他国家。
But the days in which the Middle East dominated American foreign policy in both long-term planning and day-to-day execution are thankfully over—not because the Middle East no longer matters, but because it is no longer the constant irritant, and potential source of imminent catastrophe, that it once was.
但值得庆幸的是，中东在美国外交政策的长期规划和日常执行中占据主导地位的日子已经结束——不是因为中东不再重要，而是因为它不再像过去那样是持续的刺激因素和潜在的直接灾难来源。
It is rather emerging as a place of partnership, friendship, and investment—a trend that should be welcomed and encouraged.
它正日益成为一个伙伴关系、友谊和投资的地方——这一趋势应受到欢迎和鼓励。
In fact, President Trump's ability to unite the Arab world at Sharm el-Sheikh in pursuit of peace and normalization will allow the United States to finally prioritize American interests.
事实上，特朗普总统在沙姆沙伊赫团结阿拉伯世界以寻求和平与正常化的能力，将使美国最终能够优先考虑美国利益。
E. Africa
E. 非洲
For far too long, American policy in Africa has focused on providing, and later on spreading, liberal ideology.
长期以来，美国在非洲的政策一直侧重于提供，后来是传播自由主义意识形态。
The United States should instead look to partner with select countries to ameliorate conflict, foster mutually beneficial trade relationships, and transition from a foreign aid paradigm to an investment and growth paradigm capable of harnessing Africa's abundant natural resources and latent economic potential.
相反，美国应寻求与选定的国家合作，以改善冲突，培育互利的贸易关系，并从对外援助范式转向能够利用非洲丰富自然资源和潜在经济潜力的投资与增长范式。
Opportunities for engagement could include negotiating settlements to ongoing conflicts (e.g., DRC-Rwanda, Sudan), and preventing new ones (e.g., Ethiopia-Eritrea-Somalia), as well as action to amend our approach to aid and investment (e.g., the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act).
参与的机会可能包括：谈判解决正在进行的冲突（例如刚果（金）-卢旺达、苏丹），预防新的冲突（例如埃塞俄比亚-厄立特里亚-索马里），以及采取行动修改我们的援助和投资方法（例如《非洲增长与机会法案》）。
And we must remain wary of resurgent Islamist terrorist activity in parts of Africa while avoiding any long-term American presence or commitments.
我们必须对非洲部分地区伊斯兰恐怖主义活动的抬头保持警惕，同时避免任何长期的美国存在或承诺。
The United States should transition from an aid-focused relationship with Africa to a trade- and investment-focused relationship, favoring partnerships with capable, reliable states committed to opening their markets to U.S. goods and services.
美国应将其与非洲的关系从以援助为重点转向以贸易和投资为重点的关系，优先与那些有能力、可靠且致力于向美国商品和服务开放市场的国家建立伙伴关系。
An immediate area for U.S. investment in Africa, with prospects for a good return on investment, include the energy sector and critical mineral development.
美国在非洲投资的直接领域，具有良好投资回报前景的，包括能源部门和关键矿产开发。
Development of U.S.-backed nuclear energy, liquid petroleum gas, and liquified natural gas technologies can generate profits for U.S. businesses and help us in the competition for critical minerals and other resources.
开发美国支持的核能、液化石油气和液化天然气技术可以为美国企业创造利润，并帮助我们在关键矿产和其他资源的竞争中取得优势。